El presente texto es la traducción del latín al español de la _Suma de Teología_ (lib. I, tr. int., q. I, cap. I-IV) de Alejandro de Hales. Allí se explica la diferencia epistémica fundamental entre teología sagrada, filosofía primera, y las ciencias de la física y la matemática. Luego, se separa la teología sagrada de las demás ciencias especulativas bajo un criterio rector: la ciencia revelada se orienta por la gracia de Dios, mientras que las demás ciencias lo hacen (...) sin la gracia y por las solas fuerzas de la razón. Sobre esta distinción, luego se identifican los términos teología sagrada y doctrina sagrada sin descuidar la necesidad de armonizar la tradición teológica con el avance del aristotelismo latino de principios del siglo XIII. (shrink)

El presente texto es la traducción íntegra del latín al español del proemio de Alejandro de Hales a la Metafísica de Aristóteles. Las breves páginas que lo componen manifiestan un claro conocimiento del corpus aristotelicum y una división particular de las ciencias. Tal introducción a la metafísica aristotélica fundamenta las bases de la ciencia del ente en cuanto ente mostrando su dignidad y regencia sobre los demás saberes.

Este artículo presenta una aproximación lógico-filosófica al problema de las medidas sin interacción (ifm, por sus siglas en inglés) presentes en ciertos experimentos físicos mecánico-cuánticos. Se explicitarán tanto las posibles vías para abordar el estudio de las IFM desde una perspectiva formal, como algunos de los principales retos a la hora de llevar a cabo dicha aproximación.

In this paper we intend to offer a first approach to the incorporation of certain formal tools in the elucidation of some issues discussed in epistemological contexts. The aim is not to offer an exhaustive resolution of these problems but merely to point out the usefulness of modal semantics when applied to different fields. Here we will show how a series of skeptical arguments eventually involve a modal structure, which we will try to generalise into a useful scheme.

Aflicción no es un término que mencione Nietzsche a propósito del hombre moderno, sin embargo, y ésta es la tesis que se intenta demostrar, esta palabra responde a la manera en la que actúa el moderno en relación a su «voluntad de poder», es decir, ante el carácter propenso a dominar que para Nietzsche se manifiesta en todas las funciones básicas de lo vivo. Es el modo o los caminos por los que el moderno ha buscado dominar, lo que da (...) muestra de su congoja ante su «voluntad de poder».Nietzsche plantea que la única realidad a la que tenemos acceso es a la de nuestra vida instintiva. Es decir, que la única expresión de la vida de la que nosotros tenemos cierto tipo de experiencia «directa»1 es la de nuestro mundo de apetitos y pasiones. Ahora bien, ¿cómo explicar nuestra vida instintiva? Pues mediante una tesis que la designe y defina desde su carácter inteligible, a saber, la «voluntad de poder». Por lo tanto, la «voluntad de poder» no define a la vida entendida como otra realidad externa a nosotros, sino que designa el carácter de la única expresión de la vida a la que tenemos acceso directo, esto es, de nuestro mundo de apetitos y pasiones. En este sentido el hombre es un conglomerado de voluntades de poder y el cuerpo es un conjunto de centros vitales que luchan entre sí. (shrink)

Jerónimo Salvador de Araujo, in this brief treatise, argues why it should be considered that there is a philosophy of arms, as well as why said philosophy must conform a science. For this purpose, he will rely on the Sacred Scriptures as an initial legitimation and, throughout the argumentation, on Aristotle and his definitions of universal science, particular science, technique, etc. The whole treatise is structured following syllogistic forms of Aristotelian origin.

En este trabajo, de carácter descriptivo cualitativo, se estudian los neologismos del ámbito político venezolano. Los objetivos de este trabajo son i) describir los neologismos de la esfera política y económica venezolana, y ii) describir los procesos léxico-genésicos más frecuentes hallados en el corpus de análisis. El corpus de este estudio está compuesto por textos periodísticos, extraídos de los portales electrónicos de los diarios venezolanos: El Nacional y Últimas Noticias. Los casos se registraron en fichas lexicográficas y fueron sometidos al (...) análisis contrastivo con un corpus de exclusión compuesto por i) obras lexicográficas, ii) glosarios de investigaciones previas sobre el tema y iii) la base de dato de neologismos del Instituto Cervantes. Los resultados indican que los neologismos identificados en el corpus son mayormente de tipo formal y un caso de neologismo semántico. (shrink)

Este artículo presenta una aproximación lógico-filosófica al problema de las medidas sin interacción (ifm, por sus siglas en inglés) presentes en ciertos experimentos físicos mecánico-cuánticos. Se explicitarán tanto las posibles vías para abordar el estudio de las IFM desde una perspectiva formal, como algunos de los principales retos a la hora de llevar a cabo dicha aproximación.

This paper presents the main theses of what in recent years I have analyzed under the concept of punitive populism, seen as a complex phenomenon that conflates penal policy with politics, criminology and even moralism in social media. Thus, in order to present my critical outlines, I offer in the second section a definition of punitive populism, while in the third section I explore its relationship with media criminology, in order to, in the fourth section, develop my ideas on punitive (...) populism and moralism in social networks. In the fifth section I expose the legislative and penal consequences of punitive populism and, finally, in the sixth section, I present a normative proposal to reduce the effects of punitive populism. (shrink)

José Jorge Mendoza argues that the difficulty with resolving the issue of immigration is primarily a conflict over competing moral and political principles and is, at its core, a problem of philosophy. This book brings into dialogue various contemporary philosophical texts that deal with immigration to provide some normative guidance to immigration policy and reform.

Se recoge en este artículo un análisis del perfil de la mujer pintada por el maestro Félix Revello de Toro, desde el punto de vista de la psicología moderna. El autor, José M.ª Porta Tovar, psiquiatra de profesión, estudia minuciosamente los detalles de las modelos de su pintura, para descubrir, a partir del conjunto de todos ellos, ese perfil de la mujer ideal, sublimado e inalcanzable, pero presente y sugestivo en el subconsciente colectivo del hombre de nuestros días.

Presentamos 2 casos de docentes de matemáticas activos, mientras estudian una Maestría en Matemática Educativa en línea y asincrónica; y las complicaciones que vivieron con el cierre de las escuelas donde imparten clases debido a la pandemia del COVID-19. El cambio de clases presenciales a clases en línea les exigió aprender nuevas herramientas y desarrollar nuevas habilidades, obligándolos a pasar más tiempo preparando sus clases y menos tiempo en sus estudios de maestría. El resultado fue que, en lugar de graduarse (...) en 4 semestres, los estudiantes tardaron 6 semestres en completar su investigación y escribir su tesis. (shrink)

Distance education offers flexibility and accessibility to students with diverse needs and contexts. However, it is crucial to understand the factors that motivate students to choose this educational modality, especially in programs like Public Accounting, which require specific skills. The general objective of this article is to analyze the determinants in the decision to study the Public Accounting Program in a distance or virtual modality at the National Open and Distance University (UNAD). A mixed methodology is employed, supported by authors (...) such as Creswell (2014), combining quantitative and qualitative data, and using the Probit model to identify factors influencing this choice. A significant finding is that tuition cost, the Saber 11 test score and parents' education are significant variables affecting students' decisions, with tuition cost having the greatest influence on the probability of choice. (shrink)

In this paper, I use Jonathan Haidt’s theory to explore an affective disposition that I call “indolent sympathy”. I argue that this disposition prevents a considerable group of human beings from showing solidarity with the millions of people who find themselves in conditions of poverty or extreme poverty. To demonstrate this, I will first present two dissimilar cases that show the type of affective disposition that I wish to submit to the reader’s consideration. Secondly, I will discuss the main characteristics (...) of this affective disposition. Thirdly, I will discuss the social intuitionist model, highlighting the aspects that will help me to account for indolent sympathy. Finally, I will read indolent sympathy in the light of Haidt’s theory and explain one of its most important features: brutality. (shrink)

El propósito de este ensayo es proponer una interpretación de los conceptosde “ley de naturaleza” y de “pacto” para disolver algunos problemas dela teoría de Hobbes. Para ello, primero, muestro que hay justicia en el estadode guerra de Hobbes, lo que implica que las leyes de naturaleza son vinculantesen tal Estado. Segundo, arguyo que en el estado de guerra no puedehaber justicia, lo que implica que las leyes de naturaleza no son vinculantes.Lo anterior me permitirá señalar una contradicción con respecto (...) a las leyesde naturaleza. Tercero, sugiero una interpretación para disolver dicha contradicción. Finalmente, muestro que en la propuesta contractual de Hobbeshay un círculo vicioso y, valiéndome de lo dicho en la tercera parte, sugierouna posible solución. Por último, presento una limitación a dicha solución. (shrink)

El propósito del presente ensayo es presentar una lectura crítica del modelo de constitución concebido por Jesse Prinz. De acuerdo con los modelos más significativos que se han producido hasta el momento, el juicio moral es el resultado de procesos cognitivos específicos, ya sean estos de tipo intuitivo, emocional o racional. Según afirma Prinz, la perspectiva sentimentalista sostiene que tales juicios son causados por emociones. En contraste, él defiende una tesis según la cual el juicio moral está constituido, no es (...) causado, por aquéllas. En este artículo se presentará el argumento con el que Prinz sustenta su propuesta y se expondrán algunas inconsistencias. (shrink)

In debating the ethics of immigration, philosophers have focused much of their attention on determining whether a political community ought to have the discretionary right to control immigration. They have not, however, given the same amount of consideration to determining whether there are any ethical limits on how a political community enforces its immigration policy. This article, therefore, offers a different approach to immigration justice. It presents a case against legitimate states having discretionary control over immigration by showing both how (...) ethical limits on enforcement circumscribe the options legitimate states have in determining their immigration policy and how all immigrants (including undocumented immigrants) are entitled to certain protections against a state’s enforcement apparatus. (shrink)

This chapter looks at the history of US citizenship and immigration law and argues that denying admission or citizenship status to certain groups of people is closely correlated to a denial of whiteness. On this account whiteness is not a fixed or natural concept, but instead is a social construction whose composition changes throughout time and place. Understanding whiteness in this way allows one to see how white supremacy is not limited merely to instances of racism or ethnocentrism, but can (...) also include instances of xenophobia. On this account, whiteness is more analogous to a braid of three interwoven strands: the racial strand (e.g., science, biology, or phenotypes), the ethnic strand (e.g., culture, customs, or heritage), and the national strand (e.g., territory, sovereignty, and citizenship). In emphasizing one or a combination of these strands, whiteness can be granted to social groups that previously were denied full white status, while at the same time it can be rescinded from groups that at different times and different places might have been considered (if only provisionally) white. Understanding whiteness in this way is important for dealing with issues of immigration and citizenship because it lets us see how nationality and xenophobia play a role in the construction of whiteness and thereby how terms like illegal help to reify the status of certain persons, including natural born citizens, as perpetual foreigners (i.e., non-whites). (shrink)

David Miller’s defense of a state’s presumptive right to exclude non-refugee immigrants rests on two key distinctions. The first is that immigration controls are “preventative” and not “coercive.” In other words, when a state enforces its immigration policy it does not coerce noncitizens into doing something as much as it prevents them from doing a very specific thing (e.g., not entering or remaining within the state), while leaving other options open. Second, he makes a distinction between “denying” people their human (...) rights and “deterring” people from exercising their human rights. On this view, when those assigned to protect or fulfil human rights are also tasked with performing immigration enforcement duties, undocumented immigrants are not being denied their human rights, even when this deters them from exercising those rights. In this article, I argue that Miller’s two distinctions have an implication that he might not have foreseen. Specifically, I argue that these distinctions provide ideological cover for what has come to be known as “crimmigration” and that we have strong reasons for wanting our theory of immigration justice to reject this, even when doing so leaves open the possibility for an indirect open-borders argument. (shrink)

Philosophers have assumed that as long as discriminatory admission and exclusion policies are off the table, it is possible for one to adopt a restrictionist position on the issue of immigration without having to worry that this position might entail discriminatory outcomes. The problem with this assumption emerges, however,when two important points are taken into consideration. First, immigration controls are not simply discriminatory because they are based on racist or ethnocentric attitudes and beliefs, but can themselves also be the source (...) of social and civic ostracism. Second, by focusing so much on questions of admission and exclusion, philosophers have tended to overlook the discriminatory potential of immigration enforcement mechanisms. In this essay, I make the case that philosophers who deal with the issue of immigration cannot dispense with the potential for discrimination in a state's enforcement mechanism as easily as they have with the potential for discrimination in a state’s admission and exclusions criteria. In addition, I put forth the positive claim that the way to combat this potential for discrimination (e.g., xenophobia) must begin with a defense of, and advocacy for, immigrant rights. (shrink)

This essay argues that we should find Crimmigration, which is the collapsing of immigration law with criminal law, morally problematic for three reasons. First, it denies those who are facing criminal penalties important constitutional protections. Second, it doubly punishes those who have already served their criminal sentence with an added punishment that should be considered cruel and unusual (i.e., indefinite imprisonment or exile). Third, when the tactics aimed at protecting and serving local communities get usurped by the federal government for (...) immigration enforcement purposes, they often undermine these original aims or get used in ways that conflict with the U.S. Constitution. These concerns should prompt us therefore either to reject the government’s plenary power over immigration or require the federal government to be more consistent about maintaining the separation between criminal law and immigration law. (shrink)

In this essay, I argue that even when they appear to help, restrictions on migration are usually only an impediment, not an aid, to cosmopolitan justice. Even though some egalitarian cosmopolitans are well intentioned in their support of migration restrictions, I argue that migration restrictions are (i) not truly cosmopolitan and (ii) will not have the kinds of consequences they expect. My argument in defense of this claim begins, in section 1, by outlining a defense of migration restrictions based on (...) egalitarian cosmopolitan grounds. Then in sections two and three, I reply to the harms this position associates with open borders and provide some reasons as to why restrictions on migration are incompatible with cosmopolitan justice. (shrink)

In this chapter, I outline what philosophers working on the ethics of immigration have had to say with regard to invidious discrimination. In doing so, I look at both instances of direct discrimination, by which I mean discrimination that is explicitly stated in official immigration policy, and indirect discrimination, by which I mean cases where the implementation or enforcement of facially “neutral” policies nonetheless generate invidious forms of discrimination. The end goal of this chapter is not necessarily to take a (...) side, but to outline the terrain and provide the reader with an adequate entryway into these philosophical discussions over discrimination and immigration. (shrink)

Background No studies have been conducted in Mexico to ascertain what ethical problems doctors working at hospitals deal with. This article aims to describe the ethical conflicts most commonly identified by Mexican internists and the importance they attribute to each of these conflicts. Methods Voluntary survey to the members of the Internal Medicine Association of Mexico. Results Responses were submitted by 347 internists. Half of those face ethical conflicts almost always or frequently. The most commonplace and relevant conflicts are those (...) resulting from the clinical relationship (communication, confidentiality, informed consent, assessment of mental capacity, decisions involving incapacitated patients, and conflicts with family members), and secondly those problems related with the end of life (palliative care, withholding or withdrawing treatment, and “No CPR orders”). To resolve conflicts they seek support through protocols, Institutional Ethics Committees (IECs), and consultations with colleagues and, occasionally, with bioethics experts. Protocols and IECs are the tools most in demand among them. Conclusions 1) the most frequent and relevant conflicts are those caused by the clinical relationship, above all those due to doctor–patient communication, and secondly those due to problems which arise at the end of life; 2) though nearly all of them have doubts about how to resolve conflicts, the vast majority are satisfied with the way in which they do so; 3) to deal with conflicts, they seek support mainly in protocols, IECs, and consultation with colleagues; and 4) in order to resolve them better, what they most demand are protocols and IECs, but also bioethics consultants. (shrink)

In this article, I broadly sketch out the current philosophical debate over immigration and highlight some of its shortcomings. My contention is that the debate has been too focused on border enforcement and therefore has left untouched one of the more central issue of this debate: what to do with unauthorized immigrants who have already crossed the border and with the “push and pull” factors that have created this situation. After making this point, I turn to the work of Enrique (...) Dussel and argue that his philosophical approach offers some insights that can help overcome these shortcomings. In particular, Dussel’s commitment to a social critique and transformation that begins with the material grievances of the most excluded and oppressed in a community. Under this type of approach, the immigration debate would begin with the grievances of the victims of immigration polices and reform (i.e. unauthorized immigrants) instead of with concerns for how to better enforce borders. Lastly, I point out that this type of approach is consistent with the current Immigrant Rights Movement in the United States. (shrink)

In this chapter I attempt to provide a general overview of the philosophical literature on immigration from both an ethics of immigration and philosophy of race perspective. I then try to make the case that putting these two literatures into conversation would be fruitful. In particular, that it could provide an underappreciated argument for limiting the discretion states are normally thought to enjoy with respect to immigration.

In (Re)Defining Racism, Alberto Urquidez argues that conflicting philosophical accounts over the definition of racism are at bottom linguistic confusions that would benefit from a Wittgensteinian-inspired approach. In this essay, I argue that such an approach would be helpful in disputes over the definition of metaphysically contested concepts, such as “race,” or semantically contested concepts, such as “racialization.” I disagree, however, that such insights would prove helpful or do very little for disputes concerning normatively contested concepts, such as “racism.”.

Traducción, selección y estudio preliminar José María Felipe Mendoza * Edición bilingüe. Se recomienda descargar el PDF para visualizar mejor la traducción y el original en paralelo.

Given the oncoming demographic changes—which are primarily driven by the growth in the Latinx community—the United States is predicted to become a minority-majority country by around 2050. This seems to suggest that electoral strategies that employ “dog-whistle” politics are destined for the dust-bin of history. Following the work of critical race theorists, such as Ian Haney-Lopez and Derrick Bell, I want to suggest that pronouncing the inevitable demise of dog-whistle politics is premature. This is because there are reasons to suspect (...) that certain segments of the Latinx community—much like the Southern and Eastern Europeans in the early part of 20th Century—might be co-opted into American whiteness. (shrink)

El presente trabajo desarrolla una breve introducción a la ausencia u obscurecimiento de la doctrina epistémica de Francisco Suárez bajo una triple restricción especulativa: 1. se referirá exclusivamente a las investigaciones contemporáneas sobre el pensamiento de Suárez, donde se observarían sugerencias y consideraciones generales sobre su epistemología; 2. a las Disputaciones Metafísicas, y a los filósofos y teólogos allí consignados, y en derredor de ello, a la conflictiva relación doctrinal con Tomás de Aquino y su vinculación con Duns Escoto. A (...) su vez tales consideraciones quedarán expuestas al modo de una pesquisa siempre inconclusa, en la medida en que es imposible dar cuenta de la significativa investigación actual en todos sus matices. (shrink)

The social trust argument asserts that a political community cannot survive without social trust, and that social trust cannot be achieved or maintained without a political community having discretionary control over immigration. Various objections have already been raised against this argument, but because those objections all assume various liberal commitments they leave the heart of the social trust argument untouched. This chapter argues that by looking at the socio-historical circumstances of Latino/as in the United States, an inherent weakness of the (...) social trust argument gets exposed. Giving a political community discretionary control over immigration not only fails to deliver on the promise of social trust, but it actually seems to promote its opposite, social mistrust. This suggests that a far better way of promoting the goal of social trust, and at the same time abating social mistrust, is to actually circumvent a political community’s ability to control immigration by giving priority both to socio-historical circumstances and immigrant rights (at least in a minimalist sense) in determining immigration policy. (shrink)

In 2008 Robert Lovato coined the phrase Juan Crow. Juan Crow is a type of policy or enforcement of immigration laws that discriminate against Latino/as in the United States. This essay looks at the implications this phenomenon has for an ethics of immigration. It argues that Juan Crow, like its predecessor Jim Crow, is not merely a condemnation of federalism, but of any immigration reform that has stricter enforcement as one of its key components. Instead of advocating for increased enforcement, (...) I want to suggest that just immigration reform must adhere to two standards, equality of burdens and universal protections, and that only by doing so can the potential for Juan Crow be adequately avoided. (shrink)

Durante los últimos decenios del siglo XX la filosofía de Francisco Suárez fue considerada parte integrante de un movimiento escolástico comúnmente mencionado como escuela tomista. La perspectiva de abordaje, según el mote impuesto, colocaba la posición especulativa del Dr. Eximio más próxima al dominico Tomás de Aquino de acuerdo con los siguientes matices: a. en el ámbito epistémico la figura del Aquinate eclipsaba ampliamente aquella de Suárez, promoviendo una auténtica desconsideración de sus tesis originales; b. el jesuita español fundaba, igual (...) que Tomás de Aquino, la división de las ciencias especulativas en el acto intelectual de abstracción; c. la diferencia entre ambas concepciones metafísicas no implicaba necesariamente una comprensión epistémica distinta. Ahora bien, contra estas interpretaciones aparece en el siglo XXI otra lectura, donde se acentúa la diferencia decisiva de la filosofía del jesuita del siglo XVI, quien, en letras medievales, escribe y piensa en permanente tensión entre la herencia de la filosofía antigua y medieval por una parte, y una neo-escolástica de aires renacentistas por la otra. De acuerdo con ello, si bien su pensamiento discurre por una tradición aristotelizante del saber, la comprensión de las ciencias se asienta, a diferencia de Tomás de Aquino, en clave objetiva. Sobre esta premisa, el siguiente estudio abordará con exclusividad la originalidad epistémica de Suárez según la división de las ciencias especulativas y reales, mostrando el orden, el principio y las relaciones entre las ciencias física, matemática y metafísica. (shrink)

Since at least the second half of the 19th century, the U.S. federal government has enjoyed “plenary power” over its immigration policy. Plenary power allows the federal government to regulate immigration free of judicial review and thereby, with regard to immigration cases, minimize the Constitutional protections afforded to non-citizens. The justification for granting the U.S federal government such broad powers comes from a certain understanding of sovereignty; one where limiting sovereign authority in cases like immigration could potentially undermine its legitimacy (...) and thereby lead to something like a Hobbesian “state of nature.” One of the potential downsides of allowing the federal government to have such broad powers, however, is the potential to place non-citizens in a situation analogous to what Giorgio Agamben has called the “state of exception.” This situation appears to leave us with the following dichotomy: without something like the plenary power doctrine a political community will end up with a state of nature, but with something like the plenary power doctrine they end up with a state of exception. This essay offers a two-part response to this dilemma. First, it argues that the plenary power doctrine goes against the spirit of the U.S. Constitution, specifically the Fourteenth Amendment. Non-citizens, even undocumented immigrants, are entitled to more Constitutional protections than they currently enjoy. Second, since extending these protections is more consistent with the spirit of the Constitution, I argue that curtailing the federal government’s power over matters of immigration does not undermine its sovereignty, but promotes it. In short, with regard to immigration, it is a false but seductive dichotomy that constitutional democracies must choose between a state of nature and a state of exception. (shrink)

In this article I use the tropes of El Cucuy (the Mexican version of the boogyman), La Llorona (the wailer), and La Migra (the border patrol) to provide the beginnings of an ethical critique of the treatment of undocumented immigrants in the United States.

There are two competing ways of understanding nefarious expressions of nationalism in countries like the U.S., either as xenophobia or racism. In this essay, I offer a way of capturing what is attractive in both accounts: a way of thinking about the xenophobia of U.S. nationalism that does not miss or minimize the role that race plays in condemning such expressions, but at the same time does not risk overextending the definition of racism. To do this, the essay makes a (...) case for decoupling and slightly revising the meaning of the terms “racialization” and “racial formation” while also proposing a third term, “racial disintegration.” In doing so, we find that the xenophobia directed at certain pan-racial groups, at least in places like the U.S., promotes a unique brand of White supremacy and does so in ways that maintain or reshape the nation's understanding of race and specifically its racial categories. (shrink)